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James R. Copland
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Request This AuthorJAMES R. COPLAND is a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute for Policy Research, where he has directed legal-policy research since 2003. Government decision-makers and business leaders alike regularly turn to Copland for advice. He has testified before Congress, state and municipal legislatures, and international bodies; he has spoken before multiple federal conferences, commissions, and agencies; and he has consulted with the Executive Office of the President. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce has awarded Copland’s research on civil litigation, and the National Association of Corporate Directors has designated Copland to its “Directorship 100” list of the individuals most influential over U.S. corporate governance. Copland has authored many policy reports, multiple book chapters, and several articles in academic publications including the Harvard Business Law Review and Yale Journal on Regulation. He has also written scores of opinion columns in periodicals including the Wall Street Journal, the Washington Post, USA Today, and the National Law Journal. Leading national news outlets frequently cite Copland and his research, and he has made hundreds of media appearances in popular outlets such as PBS, Fox News, MSNBC, CNBC, Fox Business, Bloomberg, C-Span, and NPR. Outside his role at the Manhattan Institute, Copland has served on multiple corporate, public, and nonprofit boards. Earlier in his career, he was a management consultant with McKinsey and Company in New York and a law clerk for Ralph K. Winter on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. Copland holds a J.D. and an M.B.A. from Yale; an M.Sc. in the politics of the world economy from the London School of Economics; and a B.A. in economics from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, where he was a Morehead Scholar.
Titles by this Author
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Read MoreAmerica is increasingly polarized around elections, but as James R. Copland explains, the unelected control much of the government apparatus that affects our lives. Congress has largely abdicated its authority. “Independent” administrative agencies churn out thousands of new regulations a year. Courts have enabled these agencies to expand their powers beyond those authorized by law—and limited executive efforts to rein in the bureaucratic behemoth. No ordinary citizen today can know what is legal and what is not.
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Related Titles
After the Constitutional Convention, Benjamin Franklin was asked, “Well, Doctor, what have we got—a Republic or a Monarchy?” Franklin’s response: “A Republic—if you can keep it.” This book argues: we couldn’t keep it.
The painful performance of the American economy in the past decade is not a function of bad luck. It is the product of flawed institutional design. Right now we are reaping the harvest of efforts to reinvigorate the progressive programs of the New Deal that stress high progressive taxes, large transfer payments, strong labor laws, and major barriers to free trade.
The Republican Party must return to its roots as a progressive conservative party that defends the American Dream, the idea that whoever you are, you can get ahead and know that your children will have it better than you did. It must show how the Democrats have become the party of inequality and immobility and that they created what structural racism exists through their unjust education, immigration, and job-killing policies.
Public corruption is the silent killer of our economy. We’ve spawned the thickest network of patronage and influence ever seen in any country, a crony capitalism in which business partners with government and transfers wealth from the poor to the rich. This is a betrayal of the Framers’ vision for America, and of the Constitution they saw as an anticorruption covenant.
For the better part of a century, the Left has been waging a slow, methodical battle for control of the institutions of Western Civilization. During most of that time, “business” – and American Big Business, in particular – remained the last redoubt for those who believed in free people, free markets, and the criticality of private property. Over the past two decades, however, that has changed, and the Left has taken its long march to the last remaining non-leftist institution.
